Year In Review: Trump’s 2025 Record on Employee Rights

Year In Review: Trump’s 2025 Record on Employee Rights

If you care about labor and employment law issues, you should down a stiff drink and then contemplate this incomplete list of Trump’s destruction of those rights during the first ten months of his second term: 

Employment discrimination 

  • Trump revoked Executive Order 11246, issued by Pres. Lyndon Johnson in 1965, which prohibits employment discrimination by federal government contractors. 
  • He instructed the Department of Justice to ensure that federal contractors and other private parties do not promote Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (“DEI”) programs, without defining just what is a DEI program. 
  • Elimination of DEI programs has resulted in a decline in the hiring of employees of color and of women, and it has increased the incidence of discrimination and bias in the workplace. 
  • He issued several executive orders claiming that there are only two genders and targeting trans people for unequal treatment in a variety of areas, including in the military, in prisons and in passports. 
  • He removed two commissioners and the general counsel of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (“EEOC”) without cause. 
  • The EEOC, under its new leadership, has dismissed all of its discrimination cases alleging bias against trans people, removed a rule that said that abortion-related restrictions constitute pregnancy discrimination, and has filed cases involving employees’ religious observances, with a particular focus on “eradicating anti-Christian bias.” 
  • The EEOC has dismissed cases alleging disparate-impact discrimination, that is, where a facially neutral practice has a disproportionately adverse effect on a protected class of employees. 
  • The EEOC has claimed that programs designed to train, mentor or sponsor employees because of their sex, race or national origin are discriminatory. 

U.S. Department of Labor 

  • Trump reduced the minimum wage for employees of federal contractors. 
  • The U.S. Department of Labor (“USDOL”) has proposed abolishing more than 60 regulations, including: 
  • Eliminating federal minimum wage and overtime protections for home health care workers. 
  • Providing that disabled employees can be paid a sub-minimum wage, depriving them of the same minimum wages enjoyed by other employees. 
  • Eliminating anti-retaliation protections for migratory farmworkers. 
  • Rescinding a rule that requires employers to provide seat belts in employer-provided transportation for farmworkers. 
  • Rescinding a rule that requires employers to provide adequate lighting at construction sites. 
  • Limiting the scope of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration’s general safety rule, that applies whenever no specific safety rule is in place. 
  • Stripping Mine Safety and Health Administration district managers of their authority to require mine owners to submit plans for ventilation and to prevent roof collapses in coal mines. 
  • The USDOL has stated that it will not enforce a Biden rule on when a worker is an independent contractor, and has stated that it will revise that rule in a deregulatory direction. 
  • The USDOL has informed an appellate court that it is considering revising a Biden rule that substantially increased coverage of the overtime provisions for salaried employees. 
  • The Trump administration has moved from expansive federal oversight of employment of minors to targeted enforcement and employer-led compliance of federal child labor laws. 
  • Trump has proposed repealing a USDOL policy that restricts 16- and 17-year-old employees from using powered patient lifting devices in nursing homes. 

National Labor Relations Board 

  • He removed the general counsel and one of the members of the National Labor Relations Board (“NLRB”), leaving only two members of that five-member board. 
  • As a result, the Board does not have a quorum and is not able to adjudicate cases, including complaints that employers have committed unfair employment practices. 
  • Trump effectively eliminated the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service (“FMCS”), an agency that assisted in assisting employers and labor unions in the collective bargaining process. 

Federal Employees’ Rights 

  • Trump fired the chairwoman of the Federal Labor Relations Agency (“FLRA”), an agency that adjudicates disputes between federal agencies and labor unions. 
  • Trump excluded more than 1 million employees in more than 30 federal agencies from union representation. 
  • Trump fired the chair of the Merits Standards Protection Board (“MSPB”), a federal agency that hears appeals of federal employees’ disputes.  Combined with the resignation of another member, that action deprived the MSPB of a quorum for more than eight months. 
  • MSPB hearing officers, their numbers trimmed by budget cuts, are dealing with an overwhelming number of appeals, resulting in delays in resolving their cases.  
  • Trump revoked the federal labor-management forum program, which had enabled federal agencies and their employees to collaborate with each other. 
  • Trump attempted to narrow a Biden executive order that had required federal contractors to sign project labor agreements with subcontractors and associated unions. 
  • Trump fired the head of the Office of Special Counsel, an agency that is supposed to protect federal whistleblowers.  He then nominated Paul Ingrassia to fill that position. 
  • Ingrassia withdrew his nomination because, incredibly, he told a group of fellow Republicans in a text chain that the MLK, Jr., holiday should be “tossed into the seventh circle of hell” and that he has “a Nazi streak.” 

Layoffs of Federal Employees 

  • About 300,000 federal employees have been laid off. 
  • Trump accomplished this by stripping some federal employees of their federal protections, fired probationary employes, urged employees to resign, shut down agencies, implemented reductions in force, and claimed to layoff employees during the shutdown of the federal government. 
  • These layoffs are being contested in the courts, and many have been reversed.  The shutdown-related layoffs have been reversed by statute. 

Written By Barry Roseman, Secretary of the SU4W Board

2025 Special Elections Offer Encouragement For American Workers and Their Advocates

Riding a wave of resistance to the hard-right policies of Donald Trump’s Administration, Democratic candidates won decisively in every special election across the U.S. on November 4th.

Most notably, the election victories include:

  • the first woman to become governor of Virginia
  • a second woman governor candidate in New Jersey
  • a democratic socialist as mayor of New York City
  • California voters resoundingly endorsed a plan to counter mid-census gerrymandering in Texas by carrying out their own counter-gerrymandering
  • Democrats flipped two Public Service Commission seats in Georgia

And, three Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices were solidly retained in office despite a last-minute personal push by Trump to unseat them, bolstered by reportedly massive fundraising.

The Tuesday results exceeded predictions from pre-election polls in those states.  Before Tuesday’s election, an array of high-quality nationwide polling showed a distinct pattern of voter preference for policies and positions advanced by the Democratic party.  That included a well-respected poll which showed unaligned respondents indicating they are “leaning” Democratic by nearly a 10% margin.

Let’s talk numbers.

  • In traditionally blue New Jersey’s gubernatorial election, Democratic candidate Rep. and ex-Navy pilot Mikie Sherrill defeated Republican Jack Ciattarelli by a solid 9% margin, or 414,000 votes.  Arguably more significantly, in more purple Virginia, former Congresswoman and ex-CIA case analyst Abigail Spanberger garnered a nearly 15% margin of victory, carrying the state by more than 490,000 votes.
  • Also significant, Californians overwhelmingly adopted Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to counter Trump’s five-congressional-seat Texas gerrymandering scheme by 63% to 36%.  And the three Democratic justices on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court who were up for “retention” (unopposed) won by a margin of 61% to 36%, despite a last-minute surprise personal effort by Trump to turn out his supporters to remove them.
  • In the traditionally blue city of New York, candidate Zohran Mamdani defeated two other contenders, winning by 50% (to 41% for his closest competitor, Andrew Cuomo) of the ballots cast.

Analysts looking at the results opined that they represent an even greater shift away from the party in power than typically occurs in mid-term elections, and may signal a more fundamental shift in voter preferences, driven largely by sharply rising living costs.  Every single county in New Jersey, Virginia, Pennsylvania and Georgia moved toward Democrats.  The leading issues for voters for Sherrill and Spanberger were health care and the economy, and they won 93% of those economy-motivated voters.  Zohran Mamdani’s winning campaign in New York City was laser focused on affordability.

Elections in a few places outside the media spotlight also showed trending more towards Democrats, as reported by the newsletter Popular Information.  In a Georgia state-wide election, Democrats for the first time won seats on the state’s Public Service Commission.  In Pennsylvania’s largest “swing” county, Bucks, voters ousted the county’s Republican sheriff, who had signed a formal agreement that his department would collaborate with federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement programs and personnel.  In Mississippi, Democrat successes ended a thirteen-year Republican supermajority in the state Senate.  And in the third-largest school district inTexas, Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District, progressive candidates won all three open board seats, giving them a 4-3 majority.  The prior Republican dominated board had removed books and chapters on climate change, vaccines, COVID-19 and diversity, and fired half of the district’s librarians.

These results reflected closely an array of polling numbers that shows that voter sentiment expressed in the November 4 vote is not limited to the states holding those elections, but is broadly shared by voters across the nation. An approval survey from late October, based on numbers from the aggregation site fiftyplusone.news, shows a continuing decline in approval for Trump since his inauguration. At that time his approval rating was 50% with a 40% disapproval rating; while current survey showed  disapproval by 55.3% compared to approval by 40.8%, a remarkable 14% decline in only nine months.  As our political analyst, Ian Silverii, pointed out, these numbers represent a weighted average of a variety of polls, which strengthens their credibility.  The disapproval level is also the largest yet for the president, even including the time during his first term when he was criticized for one million deaths of Americans due to COVID-19.

Mr. Silverii also reported on a high quality generic political poll showing Democrats ahead of Republicans by 3% percentage points.  He noted this poll is well regarded for predicting a party’s chances before an upcoming election.  Tuesday’s results, according to one analyst, predicts that Democrats will have an 8% generic advantage in 2026.

Mr. Silverii also pointed to a “leaned party ID” poll, which reports percentages of party identifiers and “leaners,” which showed that, for Quarter 3 of 2025, respondents leaning towards the Democratic Party outnumbered those inclined towards the Republican Party by 48% to 41% percent.  Those seeking further information about current voter inclinations might check CNN’s data guru, Harry Enten, who explains why the “leaning” poll matters.

In all, both the election results and his synthesis of nationwide polling data offer a solid basis for hope for supporters of American workers. With this encouragement, it appears clear that continuing, and greater, support for workers, through entities like the Stand Up for Workers PAC, have a better chance of success than many supporters have been anticipating. We look forward to working alongside advocates like you to ensure protections for workers continue to advance.

 

Written By Paul Merry, Stand Up For Workers Board Member

“It’s The Economy, Stupid!”

“It’s the economy, stupid,” said James Carville in 1992 when describing Bill Clinton’s winning economic message.

In 2024, Donald Trump was able to convince a small majority of Americans that he had a winning economic appeal, despite the Biden administration’s four-year recovery from the depths of the COVID-induced economic downturn in 2020 and 2021.  What was Trump’s economic appeal, how did it shape the election, and how he has delivered in the last ten months?

Trump promised in his 2024 campaign that his economic plans would lead to growth in the economy, while Kamala Harris’s economic message was based more on decreasing income inequality among the lowest-paid segments in this country.  The historic inflation rate was a major factor in the 2024 election – the price increases that had occurred in 2021 and 2022, even though price inflation in 2023 and 2024 was more moderate.  Many voters preferred Trump because he was a businessman who supposedly understood how to make the economy grow.

Trump’s economic program fell into five categories:

  1. reducing inflation
  2. including reducing the prices of groceries
  3. making the 2017 tax cuts permanent
  4. providing tax relief to the middle class
  5. increasing tariffs to increase manufacturing jobs in the United States

By nearly a two-to-one margin, voters said in exit polls that the economy was worse than it had been four years earlier.  One in four voters, including 41% of Black voters and 43% of Latino voters, said the economy was the primary reason for their vote.  And Harris received 7.1 million fewer votes in 2020 than Biden received in 2020, particularly in major urban counties.

The economy is now failing for ordinary hard-working citizens.  The percentage of long-term job seekers is now 26% of the total number of unemployed workers.  Delinquency rates for automobile loans are at a 15-year high.  The delinquency rates for office loans are at a rate approaching the peak in 2008, just before the Great Recession.  The most recent official inflation rate was at 3.0%, close to the annual high.  Many analysts expect that tariff rates will result in further increases in inflation, as exporters and importers reach a limit in the amount of price increases they can absorb.

The opposite is true for the upper reaches of the economy.  The stock market is at close to a record high.  Sales of luxury goods – principally eyewear, fashion, leather goods, watches and jewelry – in this country will increase by 3.6% this year.  The sales of luxury homes increased by 15.2% compared to one year ago.

This is already affecting Trump’s approval numbers.  According to realclearpolitics.com, a conservative-leaning website, Trump is now 13.4% under water in voter appraisals of his economic performance, and 25.3% under water concerning inflation.  Those polls show that 61.0% of voters disapprove and only 35.7% approve of his handling of inflation.  That trend is persistent over time and has gotten worse in recent months, with some recent polls showing 36% and even 42% disapproval numbers about inflation.

These economic and poll trends do not include voter disapproval of Trump’s anti-worker initiatives, from his attempts to reverse trends in decreasing inequality under the rubric of anti-DEI initiatives, to his efforts to deport millions of immigrants, to his efforts to roll back Department of Labor regulations, to his attacks on the federal workforce.

The mid-term elections are one year away.  If Trump’s economic- and inflation-based approval ratings continue to decline, Democrats could regain control of the U.S. House and possibly the Senate – if they have a positive message for America’s workers.  Democrats cannot just assume that an anti-Trump message will be enough.

Whether their critique is the one made by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson in “Abundance,” or some other approach, Democrats need to overcome voters’ overall belief that Republicans are better than Democrats in growing the economy or in combatting income and wealth inequality.  Otherwise, Democratic voters will stay home in 2026, just as they did in 2024, and Trump will win by default.

 

Written By Barry Roseman, Stand Up For Workers Board Member

Elections: Looking Ahead and Voting For Change

With key races being won, we’re reminded that every ballot cast shapes the future of our rights.

For workers, the policies that protect fair wages, safe workplaces, and equal opportunity are decided at every level of government, from city council to Congress, making all elections over the next year critical.

This election season is about more than 2026. It’s about building the foundation for lasting change in 2028 and beyond. Staying informed, speaking up, and showing up to vote are some of the most basic and powerful ways we can safeguard our rights and demand a fairer, more just workplace and society for all. As we head into the holiday season, we encourage you to continue having conversations, bringing awareness, and showing up for our neighbors who continue to be heavily impacted by the current U.S. administration.

Looking ahead, we are still building momentum and identifying candidates that will make the highest impact on U.S. workers and their families. Have a candidate in your area that we should know about? Send an email to [email protected].

Stand Up For Workers PAC Board Members Selected as 2022 NELA Gala Awards Celebration Honorees

Stand Up For Workers PAC Board of Directors members Joseph Garrison of Garrison, Levin-Epstein, Fitzgerald & Pirrotti, P.C. and Menaka Fernando of Outten & Golden LLP have been selected as honorees at the 2022 NELA Gala Awards Celebration, which will take place on Saturday, July 2, 2022.

Don’t Discount Administrative Law: Chevron May Save Your Life

By Paul H. Merry

The surest way to win rolling eyes and deep groans from law students, and from many practicing lawyers, too, is to mention administrative law. The name alone evokes images of excruciatingly tedious and interminable forms, row on row of the Code of Federal Regulations stretching out as far as the eye can see on endless library shelves, and of oblivious bureaucrats so enmired in an odious process that they long ago lost sight of the purpose of their existence. 

But opponents of the latest past president’s determined attempts to undo and demolish years of careful regulation aimed at protecting the environment, consumer rights, and a host of other public interests, so that his billionaire cronies could become even more outrageously wealthy would be wise to bear in mind that they owe a huge debt to the much-maligned administrative law system. This highly evolved mix of constitutional, statutory, and decisional jurisprudence has been the principal, and most effective, impediment thus far to his efforts at destruction, protecting much of the regulatory system until he lost his bid for re-election. 

Contrary to the claims of anti-regulation, anti-government conservatives, issuing a regulation does not happen at the whim of a tree-hugger. Rather, no new regulation will succeed in the absence of scientific and experience-based demonstrations that it is necessary. The system of statutes and court decisions that make up the field of administrative law requires an extensive process, usually taking years before a regulation can be put in place. In addition to expert, scientific opinion and painstaking descriptions of the grounds giving rise to the proposed regulation, extensive public testimony from all interested parties form an important part of the record, without which a new regulation is unlikely to survive the judicial scrutiny to which it is more than likely to be subjected. 

As logic requires, the process for repealing existing regulations can be equally thorough. When regulations are supported by extensive scientific evidence, learned opinion, and public testimony, it would be irrational to repeal a regulation unless even more evidence support that repeal. This is one thing that the former president’s zealous anti-regulation minions appear never to have fully understood; and as a result, the massive assault on the carefully developed regulatory system bore but little fruit. 

This would be all well and good were not much of the administrative law system, as noted, decisional, judge-made law; and like other decisions, the decisions that have built the system can also be reversed if they come before judges so inclined. This reality throws into dramatic relief the importance of our judicial system being composed of jurists who understand and respect the importance of the administrative law system. And to assure that judges who share such respect are appointed, it is critical that the United States Senate, which is responsible for approving judges, contain a majority of senators who will stand behind that system. Which, of course, is where Stand Up For Workers Political Action Committee comes in: the funds we raise, through generous donors such as you, are directed only to senate candidates who share these values. 

One specific issue powerfully illustrates this point. Most Americans understand that under our three-branched democracy, the judicial branch of government acts as a check on the actions of the legislative and executive branches, holding their actions up to scrutiny for consonance with our Constitution. Since the early years of the republic, it has been clear that the courts are the branch that scrutinizes and interprets the statutes that Congress passes and the Executive signs. 

The administrative system, however, (which makes up the bulk of what most people think of as the government ) adds a few wrinkles to the process of checking and balancing. First, one of the principal justifications for the creation of the administrative agencies through which our government functions, is that many issues our government confronts, from water and air purity to reliability of investments to safety of air (and other) travel, to allocation of the radio-magnetic frequency spectrum, to consumer fairness in the marketplace, to wildlife management, requires great scientific understanding and expertise. And notwithstanding the settled notion that the courts are the branch empowered to determine the constitutionality of laws passed by Congress, empowering the courts to review and reject regulations that are based on extensive research and scientific investigation of issues of which judges may have next to no understanding, appears illogical if not foolish, particularly if it appears judges with a particular ideological bent may be involved. The question of whether courts could be compelled to abandon their law-interpreting, core function, and be required to defer to the judgment of expert scientific specialists in the agencies, was clearly seen as a challenge to the founding principles of our democracy. 

Several decades ago the Supreme Court took the bull by the horns and issued its famous decision in Chevron, U.S.A. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, 467 U.S. 837 (1984). In a Solomonic action that many find unsatisfactory even to this day, the High Court decreed that when the lower courts are confronted with a challenge to the regulation, they must apply a three-part test before assuming the authority to review, and possibly overturn an administrative agency action. First, lower courts must determine whether Congress “has spoken to the precise question at issue,” in the statute establishing the agency or elsewhere. If so, the inquiry ends, because the courts and agencies must “give effect to the unambiguously expressed intent of Congress.” If the statute is silent or ambiguous regarding the specific point, the court must then decide whether the agency interpretation is “based on a permissible construction of the statute.” If the statutes explicitly left a gap in a program, the agency’s filing of the gap by regulation must be upheld so long as it passes the standards of the Administrative Procedure Act, including not being arbitrary, capricious, or contrary to the statute. Unless the agency action clearly fails to pass the first two steps, the court must defer to the agency’s expertise and decline to overturn the questioned action. 

Many critics of this approach have pointed out that the reliance on the court to determine whether the agency’s interpretation of the statute is “permissible,” to set the boundaries of court deference is hardly clear and certain. But this criticism is somewhat laid to rest on the basis of extensive jurisprudence defining the word and how it is to be used. And beyond this, of course, is a now-lengthy history of courts using the Chevron mechanism successfully. The more serious problem is the mechanism itself. However unsatisfying its language may be, the Chevron test has stood for decades now as a bulwark against the wanton destruction of painstakingly developed regulations in many crucial areas of American life, some of which are listed above. But as with any judge-made law, the mechanism can be overruled and consigned to the (famously vast) judicial scrap heap. 

Indeed, one recent appointee to the Supreme Court has been accused of being a Chevron opponent. And given the ideological stance (unfortunately) adopted by others on the Court, that opponent, Justice Kavanaugh, could find a majority to overturn Chevron and replace it with a much less regulation-neutral position, liberating lower court judges so inclined to lay waste at will to the regulations Americans have come to take for granted as they assume the safety of their food and drugs, their air and water, their airplanes and countless other features which make modern life so wonderful. And with a concerted (and largely successful) effort to place anti-regulation ideologues on the bench during the past administration, such freedom would almost certainly be widely exercised. 

So again, it is important to assure that judges named to lifetime positions on our federal courts are not hostile to the Chevron doctrine; and the way to do that is to be vigilant about nominating and electing senators who likewise support the government’s role in assuring that the technological wonders that permit us to live in a world beyond the dreams of our forebears are safe and not inviting the death of the only planet we have for a home. And while the role of money in politics is certainly open to criticism as now practiced, those donations made to Stand Up For Workers will be used in their entirety to support the process of vetting candidates for those senate seats, letting the public know their positions, and assisting those who meet our criteria to the greatest possible extent. So please give generously. Your country requires no less.

Key Takeaways From Voter Suppression In 2020 By William Wilder, Published By The Brennan Center For Justice

By J. Arthur Smith, III

INTRODUCTION  

“In the 2020 election cycle, voter suppression was alive and well. Overall, 70.9 percent of eligible white voters cast ballots in 2020 elections, compared with only 58.4 percent of non-white voters. . . After the 2010 elections, for the first time since the peak of the Jim Crow era, states across the country began to enact laws making it more difficult for certain segments of population to vote. This wave of voter suppression was intertwined with race and the nation’s changing racial demographics and was, in least in part, backlash against rising turnout among communities of color contributing to the election of the nation’s first Black president. Efforts to suppress the votes of communities of color accelerated in 2013, when the Supreme Court gutted a key part of the  Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529 (2013). In the eight years since Shelby  County was decided, especially in 2020, these trends continued.” (p. 3) 

In Shelby County v. Holder, supra, the United States Supreme Court declared unconstitutional the formula for the selection of states to be covered by § 4(b) of the Voting Rights  Act of 1965. As a result, § 5 was immobilized. Sections 4(b) and 5 required pre-clearance federal approval of changes in voting laws in the covered jurisdictions. Under the Act, “a change will be  approved unless Department of Justice finds it has the purpose [or]. . . the effect of denying or  abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.” 

“Racial discrimination voting takes many forms, ranging from blatant and open attempts to restrict access to voting among communities of color to more subtle policies that place heavier

burdens on certain communities. In 2020, voters of color faced a full spectrum of racial voter  suppression.” (p. 3) 

“. . .the public officials and political operatives behind these voting changes are  acknowledging that the intent of the new laws and policies is to exclude certain people from the  electorate and bring about particular outcomes in elections.” (p. 3) 

“When defending two of Arizona’s restrictive voting laws before the United States  Supreme Court on March 2021, the attorney for the Republican National Committee admitted that  the party’s interest in the laws was to avoid being at a “competitive disadvantage relative to  Democrats.” And when discussing proposals to expand access to mail voting, former President  Trump stated that an expansion of early and mail voting would lead to “levels of voting that if you agreed to it, you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again.” (p. 3). Similarly, Senator  Lindsey Graham stated that if “Republicans don’t challenge and change the U.S. election system  there will never be another Republican president elected again.”

Read the entire article here.

“The Filibuster: An Obstacle to Progress”

I. Introduction 

The filibuster has been described as an obstructionary tactic used to defeat bills and motions, traditionally employed by speaking indefinitely to delay voting on an issue. The term itself comes from Dutch, Spanish, and French words used to describe pirates, plunderers, and more literally, “freebooters.” Once characterized by marathon speeches, reading recipes aloud, singing Sinatra’s “South of The Border” or reading Green Eggs and Ham, the filibuster has now changed course. Instead of hours-long speeches requiring catheter bags and sleeping in the chamber, modern Senate rules in place since the early 1970s allow the so-called “silent filibuster” which merely requires a member to announce an intent to filibuster to, in effect, create a minority veto. The net result is a virtual end to the simple majority rule since any piece of legislation that does not involve budget reconciliation now requires a 60-vote supermajority in the Senate before the Senate can vote on the legislation itself.

Once upon a time, a filibuster on a single bill would bring the entire government to a halt since the Senate considered one bill, or one nomination, at a time. This was both good and bad as though it stopped everything, it also put pressure on all sides to resolve the issue so that the Senate could move forward. That all changed in 1975, when Senator Robert Byrd, the then majority whip, announced dual tracking. This rule change, designed for efficiency, allowed the majority leader to set aside a slow-moving bill to consider other matters and has thus made filibusters largely “pain free.” Going further, some might say that dual tracking, combined with the silent filibuster, has allowed democracy to die in the darkness.

The evolution of the filibuster must be viewed in the context of the current 50/50 split Senate with a tie-breaking vote by the Vice President, combined with Mitch McConnell’s announcement that “100 percent” of his focus as minority leader is “on stopping this administration.” Thus, without some change in circumstance, the country can expect little progress on important matters such as climate change or voting rights. The most prominent bill currently being blocked, the For the People Act, is intended to expand voting rights, change campaign finance laws, limit partisan gerrymandering, and create new ethics rules for federal office holders. The House passed the bill in 2019, but it was later blocked under then Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell. House Democrats reintroduced the bill in 2021 and the bill passed in the House of Representatives on a near party-line vote before advancing to the Senate. Senate Republicans have since blocked the bill from proceeding to a vote with a silent filibuster. This has brought the filibuster into everyday conversation, raising questions about what it is, how it is used, and what it means for a President, like Joe Biden, who received a popular vote majority—by more than 7 million people in the 2020 Presidential election—but whose agenda is stalled by a minority veto.

This article will address a few important points, including an overview of the history of the filibuster, the most notable historical examples of its use, its prominence in blocking civil rights legislation, its modern use today, and what we should do now. It is only when examined through a historical perspective that we can decide as a nation if the filibuster should be a permanent feature of our government.

II. History of the Filibuster 

While not a part of the Constitution of the United States, the filibuster dates back to ancient Rome and some form of filibustering has existed since the inception of our Constitutional democracy. Senate historian Betty Koed, who has written and spoken extensively on the subject, points to a passage from the very first U.S. Senate session, in 1789, when Pennsylvania Senator William Maclay wrote in his diary, the “design of the Virginians . . . was to talk away the time, so that we could not get the bill passed.”

Initially, both the Senate and the House had unlimited debate. During the 51st Congress, the House ended what was called the “disappearing quorum,” where members could kill a bill by absenting themselves and denying the House a quorum. The elimination of the disappearing quorum effectively killed the filibuster in the House more than 130 years ago. While many predicted dire consequences for the House, the 51st Congress, which had been expected to accomplish little or nothing, became one of the most productive in history with Republicans in full control. Action taken by the 51st Congress included the Sherman Antitrust Act designed to rein in big business; the establishment of land grants for colleges serving Black students in the South; the expansion of pensions for Civil War veterans; the creation of the foundation for the National Park Service; and the granting of statehood to the Dakotas, Montana, Washington, and Idaho. The House now has limited how much individual members can speak, and effectively eliminated the filibuster. Instead of taking the example from the House, the Senate has gone in the opposite direction, making the filibuster more routine and easier to use.

According to the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS), the record for the longest individual filibuster in U.S. history remains with Senator Strom Thurmond who spoke for more than 24 hours in August of 1957 opposing Civil Rights legislation. It was one of many filibusters by white, Southern Democrats, including one by Senator Robert Byrd, which Byrd later said he regretted.

In 1992, New York Senator Alphonse D’Amato staged a 15-hour filibuster over a tax issue, that famously included reading from the phone book and singing. Senator Huey Long of Louisiana spoke for 15 hours in 1935, during which he read from the Bible and read food recipes aloud, regarding a controversy over government jobs. In more recent years, Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky spoke for 13 hours in 2013 in opposition to an Obama nominee for the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Senator Ted Cruz gave a 21-hour speech against the Affordable Care Act in 2013, including the now infamous readings from Dr. Seuss’s Green Eggs and Ham.          

Some of the most infamous uses of the filibuster were against the Civil Rights Act of 1964.  Opponents of the Act filibustered for a record-breaking 60 working days while CBS and other major news agencies reported from the steps of the Capitol. Years earlier, the filibuster was used to defeat the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill. Lynch mobs had murdered more than 4,000 Black people between the end of Reconstruction and the middle of the 20th Century. Activists and organizations such as the NAACP worked to expose the savagery of lynching and to debunk the myth that lynch mobs existed to avenge the rape of white women as the anti-Black violence rose to grim levels. Notable examples of this violence included a massacre in Elaine, Arkansas where 500 heavily armed soldiers, law enforcement and white vigilantes killed hundreds of Black sharecroppers, and the Tulsa Race Massacre in the area famously known as Black Wall Street.  

Despite what was substantial backing for the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill, the bill ultimately died a procedural death at the hands of a filibuster led by Southern Democrats. This filibuster turned highly theatrical as Senators schemed strategies to delay debate, stretching parliamentary procedures into lengthy ordeals, reading from stacks of books, pamphlets, and newspapers, sometimes for hours at a time.  

Ultimately, on December 2, 1922, the Republicans surrendered. A leading Republican, Senator William Borah of Idaho, had refused to invoke cloture, citing objections to the bill’s constitutionality. Some later suggested that the Republicans, such as Borah, who refused to invoke cloture, were secretly angling for the Bill’s defeat. Years later, a cynical Borah would brag to W.E.B. Du Bois that the handling of Dyer Bill had been “one of the finest illustrations of how we play politics with the negro that I know of.”  

Civil Rights leaders later said that the bill “was not killed by majority vote but was lynched by a filibuster.” Eight days following the Bill’s collapse, vigilantes lynched another four Black Americans. Later in the 1930s, southern white Senators filibustered the Costigan-Wagner Anti-Lynching Act, even though the bill’s sponsors were members of the Southerners’ own party.  

These early filibusters proved to be precursors of what would come later. While Strom Thurmond’s 24-hour one-man filibuster of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 still holds the record for this obstructionary tactic, as recently as last year, Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky conducted a one-man blockage against a 21st Century attempt to enact a new version of the federal anti-lynching law that the House first passed more than a hundred years ago.

The dual tracking rule change that occurred in the 1970s has changed the filibuster substantially. While the rule was intended to allow the Senate to run more smoothly, it made the filibuster an even more effective obstacle to legislation. Though it is not used in all cases, any Senator can launch a filibuster simply by announcing that they object when other Senators try to move forward on legislation. While the objector can specify their reasons for the objection, doing so is not necessary.

To end the filibuster, the full Senate must trigger a different superweapon – cloture – which closes the debate. Under current rules, this requires a 60 percent, or three-fifths, vote of the Senate. If cloture passes, it mandates a maximum of 30 hours of debate and no more. Only at the conclusion of the debate will there a be a vote on the actual measure that the filibuster was intended to block. If cloture does not pass, the bill remains in filibuster as the Senate moves on to other business. The practical effect is that all legislation requiring Senate action must now face an initial 60-vote hurdle. The only exceptions are so-called budget reconciliation bills, which allow for a simple majority vote in the Senate for bills that impact the Federal budget. However, only up to three budget reconciliation bills may be considered each year.

III. Conclusion: What to do About the Filibuster

In 1917, with filibuster frustrations mounting and at the urging of President Woodrow Wilson, the Senate adopted Senate Rule 22 which allowed the Senate to invoke cloture and limit debate with a two-thirds majority vote. However, filibusters remained an effective means to block legislation, since a two-thirds majority vote was difficult to obtain. After cloture was first used to end the filibuster against the Treaty of Versailles, the Senate managed to invoke cloture only five times over the next four decades.

In 1975, the Senate reduced the number of votes required for cloture from two-thirds to three-fifths, or 60 of the 100 senators. Frustrated with the Republicans’ continued efforts of to stall the nominations of President Barack Obama, Democrats eliminated the filibuster for non-SCOTUS judicial nominees in 2013. In turn, the Republicans eliminated the filibuster requirement for United States Supreme Court nominations in 2017 when they had the majority, leading to the current 6-3 conservative majority.       

The “nuclear option” is the term used for “blowing up” or eliminating the filibuster. While this could be done with a simple majority vote for a rule change, many, reportedly including President Biden, are reluctant to change the rules of the Senate. Some consider eliminating the filibuster a precarious move, especially in circumstances with a closely divided Senate, as the majority party could lose their main tool in the Senate not very far down the road if they find themselves in the minority again. Like any “nuclear” option, eliminating the filibuster carries consequences for all concerned.         

According to legend, while Robert Byrd was on his deathbed, the Senate was considering the Affordable Care Act. Senator McConnell insisted that all 60 Democrats had to be present to overcome the filibuster and move the Act forward. McConnell declined to allow Robert Byrd “a pass” by finding a Republican to vote for cloture so that Byrd’s actual appearance could be avoided. Instead, Byrd was forced to physically come into the Senate in a wheelchair, and in a very feeble state, to cast his vote for cloture. Though every Senator, presumably including Mitch McConnell, applauded Byrd and gave him a standing ovation, the only thing that Byrd would say was “shame, shame.”One of the dire warnings of the Founding Fathers was factionalism, which had led to bloody civil wars in England during the 17th Century. Political parties were seen as a necessary evil, but Alexander Hamilton called them “the most fatal disease” of popular governments. In Federalist PaperNo. 10, James Madison wrote that one of the main functions of a well-constructed union should be its ability “to break and control the violence of faction.” With the modern-day filibuster, the minority “faction” has a death grip on progress. To escape the tyranny of the minority in the Senate, the nuclear option may be the only way forward.

[1] See e.g., Conservative Partnership Institute, Shutdown State of Play: What’s Really Going On, CPI Blog (Jan. 19, 2018), https://www.cpi.org/post/shutdown-state-of-play-whats-really-going-on (“Though the filibuster is considered an obstructionary tactic, it is a critical feature of minority rights in the Senate, and one that’s historically been used by both parties to protect their interests.”).
[2] Merriam-Webster, The Piratical History of ‘Filibuster’, https://perma.cc/4S8X-SK62 (last visited Aug. 4, 2021).
[3] See Jada Yuan, No standing, no marathon speeches, no catheter bags: How filibustering got way too easy,  Wash. Post (July 5, 2021), https://perma.cc/P2CK-ANU7 (“Where silent filibusters now land with a thud, talking filibusters once had their own entertaining, even transcendent, way of making history.”).
[4] Luke Savage, If Democracy Is Dying, Why Are Democrats So Complacent?, The Atlantic (May 24, 2021), https://perma.cc/KCW8-JBKE (“Due to the [Senate’s] filibuster rules, most legislation requires 60 votes to pass—an impediment that effectively empowers lawmakers representing only a tiny sliver of the electorate to block policies they dislike at will, including those designed to make American democracy fairer and more inclusive.”); see also Tim Lau, The Filibuster Explained, Brennan Ctr. for J. (Apr. 26, 2021), https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/filibuster-explained (“Anytime a group of 41 or more senators simply threatens a filibuster, the Senate majority leader can refuse to call a vote.”).
[5] Yuan, supra note 3.
[6] “Democrocy Dies in Darkness” is the official slogan of the Washington Post.
[7] Donald Judd and Caroline Kelly, Biden dismisses McConnell’s pledge to focus ‘on stopping this new administration’, CNN (May 5, 2021), https://www.cnn.com/2021/05/05/politics/biden-mcconnell-100-stopping-new-administration/index.html.
[8] See H.R. 1/S. 1.
[9] Ballotpedia, HR1, “For the People Act of 2021”, https://ballotpedia.org/HR1,_%22For_the_People_Act_of_2021%22 (last visited Aug. 4, 2021) (“The United States House of Representatives approved HR1 on March 3, 2021, by a vote of 220-210, with all but one present Democrat voting in favor and all present Republicans voting against it. The Senate companion bill, S1, was introduced in that chamber on March 17. On June 22, the Senate voted 50-50 to allow debate on the bill, shy of the 60 votes needed to proceed.”).
[10] See Barbara Sprunt, Senate Republicans Block Democrats’ Sweeping Voting Rights Legislation, NPR (June 22, 2021) https://www.npr.org/2021/06/22/1008737806/democrats-sweeping-voting-rights-legislation-is-headed-for-failure-in-the-senate.
[11] Federal Election Commission, Official 2020 Presidential General Election Results (Feb. 1, 2021) (showing 81,268,924 votes for Biden and 74,216,154 votes for Trump).
[12] Lisa Desjardins, How does the filibuster work?, PBS News Hour (Jan. 27, 2021) https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/how-does-the-filibuster-work.
[13] Id.
[14] David Litt, We Already Got Rid of the Filibuster Once Before,  The Atlantic (Mar. 8, 2021) https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/03/we-already-got-rid-filibuster-once-before/618201/.
[15] Id.
[16] Id.
[17] Id. (stating that Republican lawmakers got rid of the filibuster in the House of Representatives 130 years ago).
[18] Desjardins, supra note 12.
[19] Id.
[20] Id.
[21] Id.
[22] Id.
[23] Id.
[24] Magdalene Zier and John Fabian Witt, For 100 years, the filibuster has been used to deny Black rights, Wash. Post (Mar. 18, 2021), https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2021/03/18/100-years-filibuster-has-been-used-deny-black-rights/.
[25] Id.
[26] Id.
[27] Id.; see also Tulsa Historical Society and Museum, 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre, https://www.tulsahistory.org/exhibit/1921-tulsa-race-massacre/ (last visited August 4, 2021).
[28] Zier and Witt, supra note 24.
[29] Id.
[30] Id.
[31] Id.
[32] Id.
[33] Id.
[34] Id.
[35] Id.
[36] Id.
[37] Desjardins, supra note 12.
[38] Id.
[39] Id.
[40] Id.
[41] Id.
[42] Id.
[43] Id.
[44] Id.
[45] Cong. Research Serv., R44058, The Budget Reconciliation Process: Stages of Consideration 3 (2021), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44058.pdf (discussing the number of reconciliation bills allowed under the Senate’s interpretation of the Congressional Budget Act); see also Richard Kogan and David Reich, Introduction to Budget “Reconciliation”, Ctr. on Budget and Pol. Priorities (Jan. 21, 2021), https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-budget/introduction-to-budget-reconciliation (“Under Senate interpretations of the Congressional Budget Act, the Senate can consider the three basic subjects of reconciliation — spending, revenues, and the debt limit — in a single bill or multiple bills, but a budget resolution can generate no more than one bill addressing each of those subjects. In practice, however, a tax bill is likely to affect not only revenues but also outlays to some extent (for example, via refundable tax credits). Thus as a practical matter a single budget resolution can probably generate only two reconciliation bills: a tax-and-spending bill or a spending-only bill and, if desired, a separate debt limit bill.”).
[46] United States Senate, About Filibusters and Cloture | Historical Overview, https://www.senate.gov/about/powers-procedures/filibusters-cloture/overview.htm (last visited Aug. 4, 2021).
[47] Id.
[48] Id.
[49] Id.
[50] See Camille Caldera, Fact Check: Republicans, not Democrats, eliminated the Senate Filibuster on Supreme Court Nominees, USA Today (Oct. 1, 2020), https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/factcheck/2020/10/01/fact-check-gop-ended-senate-filibuster-supreme-court-nominees/3573369001/ (“Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., was not responsible for lowering the vote threshold to confirm Supreme Court nominees to 51. Rather, he orchestrated that change for judicial nominees and presidential appointments, excluding the Supreme Court. When control of the Senate changed parties, it was Republican Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., who extended the rule change to apply to nominees to the Supreme Court in 2017.”).
[51] See e.g., Laura Barron-Lopez, Biden won’t embrace filibuster reforms even as the rest of his party does, Politico (Mar. 8, 2021), https://www.politico.com/news/2021/03/08/biden-filibuster-reform-474503 (“President Joe Biden isn’t budging from his desire to keep the filibuster in place; at least not yet. And activists demanding reforms are growing increasingly befuddled by the administration’s hesitance.”); but see Grace Segers, Biden signals he’s open to eliminating Senate filibuster over GOP “abuse”, CBS News (Mar. 26, 2021) https://www.cbsnews.com/news/filibuster-reform-senate-biden-republican-abuse/ (explaining that President Biden has expressed some support for eliminating the silent filibuster, and has indicated that he may be open to further reforms “if there’s complete lockdown and chaos as a consequence of the filibuster”).
[52] See Brent Baker, CBS Leads with Byrd’s ‘Shame, Shame’ in Story on GOP ‘Delaying Tactics’, Media Research Ctr. (Dec. 19, 2009), http://archive2.mrc.org/bias-alerts/cbs-leads-byrds-shame-shame-story-gop-delaying-tactics.
[53] Sarah Pruitt, The Founding Fathers Feared Political Factions Would Tear the Nation Apart, History (Mar. 7, 2019), https://www.history.com/news/founding-fathers-political-parties-opinion.
[54] Id.
[55] Id.

What To Know About Hostile Work Environments

As more employees return to in-person work and hiring ramps up, it’s important for workers to know their rights as well as what constitutes a hostile or intimidating work setting. After months of isolated remote work or staggered schedules where communication was often virtual and employees were separated, returning to workplace decorum may be challenging for some individuals, whether they’re managers or coworkers.

But what’s the difference between unwanted or annoying behavior and actions that create an illegal, hostile work environment? A hostile environment begins with harassment. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) defines harassment as unwelcome conduct that is based on race, color, religion, sex, national origin, older age (40 or older), disability, or genetic information.

When Does Harassment Lead to a Hostile Environment? 

Harassment is considered unlawful when it is carried out against someone from a protected class, and it additionally satisfies one of two conditions:

  • Enduring it becomes a condition of employment, or
  • It becomes so severe or pervasive that a reasonable person would consider it to have created an intimidating, offensive, or hostile work environment

In a hostile work environment, a reasonable person is so abused or intimidated that they are not able to perform their job. Isolated incidents, annoyances, or petty slights, such as a boss playing favorites, are generally not considered illegal behavior under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Instead, offensive conduct that can lead to a hostile work environment might include: 

  • Using slurs or epithets, making offensive jokes, or name-calling
  • Making threats or physical assaults
  • Engaging in intimidation, ridicule, or mockery
  • Making insults or put-downs
  • Sending or displaying offensive pictures or objects
  • Interfering with work performance

The harasser can be a supervisor, coworker, or even a non-employee, such as a customer or vendor. Since the person being harassed may not be the only one affected by the offensive behavior, coworkers and others who are impacted may also be eligible for filing a hostile-work-environment claim.

Recent EEOC Settlements on Hostile Work Environments

Identifying the conduct that qualifies for a hostile work environment, particularly in a post-pandemic world where workers may just be getting used to being near one another again, can be difficult. Here are some recent EEOC settlements related to hostile work environments that might help clarify the issues:

  • Continued racial slurs — In a case against Ryder Integrated Logistics and Kimco Staffing, the EEOC argued the two companies created a hostile working environment by allowing employees to continuously use racial slurs and epithets toward African American coworkers. The EEOC contended that after a Black employee complained, the companies fired the employee rather than correcting the situation. Each company was required to pay $1 million and implement policies, procedures, and systems to prevent future instances.
  • Sexual harassment against an entire group of females — MVM, a security services provider, was ordered to pay $100,000 to a female security guard who was subjected to sexual harassment by a manager. The harassment included unwanted touching and lewd comments, and the guard was fired shortly after complaining. The same manager made inappropriate sexual comments, asked for explicit pictures, and made sexual advances toward an entire class of female employees. Although supervisors and other managers were aware of the harassment, they allowed it to continue. Along with requiring the company to provide monetary relief and take other measures, the EEOC ordered MVM to refrain from allowing a hostile work environment based on sexual harassment.
  • Sexually hostile work environment on client site — In 2020, the EEOC charged HM Solutions, a commercial and industrial janitorial services company, with subjecting four female employees to a sexually hostile work environment. Over a period of three years while working at a client site, the women were subjected to sexual harassment by both a male HM Solutions manager and a male shift supervisor. The women complained, and other supervisors observed some of the harassing behavior, but the abuse continued. HM Solutions was ordered to pay $315,000 to the women, as well as provide employee training on sexual harassment, update its anti-harassment policies, and report complaints to the EEOC.

At Barrett & Farahany, we are happy to answer any questions about harassment and hostile work environments. We seek justice at work for all employees. If you or anyone you know is looking for answers, please contact us to speak to one of our attorneys.

How To Fight Back Against National Origin Discrimination

Any kind of discrimination based on national origin is against the law, whether it is being carried out by a US company against someone of non-American descent or involves a foreign company’s US operations preferring someone from its own country over an American citizen. Employment and hiring practices that favor employees or applicants of a particular nationality can also be considered discrimination based on national origin and are against the law.

Protections Against National Origin Discrimination

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimination in hiring, promotion, termination, pay, and other aspects of employment based on national origin, just as it does for race, sex, religion, and color. According to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), national origin discrimination is defined as treating an applicant or employee unfavorably because they are from a particular part of the world, of a specific ethnicity, have a certain accent, or appear to be of a particular ethnic background. It also encompasses unfavorable treatment of employees or applicants who are married to a person of a specific national origin.

All employees who work in the US, whether employed by an American or foreign company, are protected by these laws. So, if an American is working for a foreign company on US soil and is discriminated against because of their origin, the same protections apply. This is sometimes referred to as reverse discrimination against a US worker. The only exception is when a foreign company is covered by a treaty or international agreement that allows them to give preference to their own nationals for certain positions.

Recent Cases

In 2020, the EEOC received almost 6,400 new charges of discrimination based on national origin and resolved over 6,900 (including cases filed in previous years). Of those resolved, 6.2% were settled. When the settlement included monetary compensation, companies accused of discriminating based on national origin paid out a total of $26.3 million in 2020.

Here are some examples of recent EEOC settlements involving claims of discrimination based on national origin:

  • In June 2020, Albertson’s agreed to pay $210,000 to settle a national origin discrimination lawsuit alleging the grocer allowed a manager in one of its La Mesa, California, stores to harass Hispanic employees by forbidding them to speak Spanish and requiring English only. In addition to the compensation, Albertson’s agreed to review and revise its discrimination policies, and provide employee and manager training with an emphasis on language discrimination.
  • City Sports, a chain of sports fashion stores in Chicago and surrounding areas, settled a race and national origin discrimination case in which it was accused of favoring Koreans over African Americans and Hispanics for management positions. In the November 2020 settlement, the retailer agreed to pay 19 current and former employees a total of $420,000, and hire a consultant to help implement anti-discrimination policies, procedures, and training.
  • In April, Helados La Tapatia in Fresno, California, agreed to pay $200,000 as part of a national origin discrimination lawsuit. The ice cream company was accused of favoring Hispanic job applicants over black, white, and Asian applicants for entry-level, warehouse, and driver positions, as well as discouraging non-Hispanic applicants from applying. The company agreed to implement an open hiring and recruiting policy, among other settlement requirements.
  • Last month, Wild Fork Foods in Miami, part of JBS USA, agreed to pay $130,000 to settle a claim of national origin and racial discrimination. Wild Forks was accused of violating federal law when a Hispanic female employee in the Miami corporate office was subjected to a hostile work environment based on both her race and national origin, subjected to retaliation for complaining, and ultimately forced out of her job. The decree also includes specialized training on national origin discrimination, among other requirements.

Justice Department Efforts

In addition to EEOC efforts to protect US workers against reverse discrimination by foreign corporations, the Justice Department Civil Rights Division’s Immigration and Employee Rights Section has been pursuing cases against companies that discriminate against US workers in favor of temporary visa holders. In 2017, the department launched the Protecting US Workers initiative and has been pursuing employers it views as denying opportunities to US workers.

In December 2020, the department settled a case against Ikon Systems, a staffing and recruiting company based in Texas. The settlement resolved claims that Ikon was discriminating against US workers by posting job advertisements specifying a preference for applicants with temporary work visas. The claim included allegations that Ikon failed to consider a single US citizen for the openings.

At Barrett & Farahany, we are happy to answer any questions about discrimination based on national origin. We seek justice at work for all employees. If you or anyone you know is looking for answers, please contact us to speak to one of our attorneys.